| G.K.
Chesterton Reconsidered
For
a writer notable for his love of paradox, it is fitting that
his "single most quoted line" cannot actually be
found in his works. It surfaces in various forms, but recently
I've seen it cited more than once as follows: "When a
Man stops believing in God he doesn't then believe in nothing,
he believes in anything." Now, I found this expression
so pregnant and interesting, I'm almost disappointed that
it is not authentic. To be sure, according to the website
of the American Chesterton Society, its origin is most likely
a sentence from Cammaerts' biography, between two sentences
from Father Brown, a figure in popular detective novels by
this author.
I've been drawn to have a look at Chesterton by this quotation,
but also because the British poet A. G. Stewart has long recommended
that GKC is worth reading. So, I searched out some details
of his biography. He was born in London in 1874, went to the
Slade School where he studied art, and then became a prolific
magazine writer. Chesterton wrote a hundred books, among them
novels, poetry, history, religious and political polemics,
etc. My local public library furnished a copy of his Collected
Poems, and in one of the few good secondhand bookstores
left in Kansas City, I happened across an old but intact copy
of his Autobiography, published in the year of his
death, 1936.
For a writer one might rightly consider antiquated because
of his politically reactionary views and his unflinching,
unrepentant Catholicism, Chesterton appears to be going through
a kind of revival nowadays. Dale Ahlquist, president and co-founder
of the American Chesterton Society, and author of a biography,
claims he was "the best writer of the twentieth century."
While this might be laid to partisan enthusiasm, we should
also note that GKC's Collected Works are being published
by the conservative Ignatius Press of California, in an edition
to be more than thirty volumes.
I should mention in recent GKC sightings, this short quotation
of verse:
For the Great Gaels of Ireland
Are the men that God made mad,
For all their wars are merry
And all their songs are sad.
One has to admit the concision and insight at play here. I
was instantly reminded of a passage in John Fiske's essay
"A Harvest of Irish Folk-lore": "In most of
the Fenian stories the fighting is brisk and incessant. It
is quite a Donnybrook fair. Everybody kills everybody else,
and then some toothless old woman comes along and rubs a magic
salve on them, when, all in a minute, up they pop and go at
it again" (from Miscellaneous Writings, vol. 10-discarded
from the same public library where I found GKC's poems).
Thus stimulated, I read through most of the poems, and more
or less in one sitting on a chilly night, read the Autobiography.
Chesterton is one of that now extinct species, the Man of
Letters, garrulous, witty, irritating, and absolutely readable.
While his theological views exasperate me, I get the sense
that he was a good fellow to have a beer with in a pub. Indeed,
the pub became for him a sort of benign but endangered institution
of English society. As with most such books, he recounts his
rather pleasant childhood, as the son of a prosperous Kensington
family prominent in real estate. There are details of school
chums, many of whom went off to universities, as he did not.
However, at the Slade School he got a good education as a
graphic artist, then went into journalism. Fleet Street was
then in its glory days; a fellow could make a living by writing
columns and reviews, and again-those pubs, filled with rollicking
good humor, and the simple pleasures of conversation among
literate friends. He was middle class, and knew it, and did
not ever really rise above his origins. While he got to know
various eminent persons on the edge of the upper classes,
he did not grovel before them. He also came to idealize the
peasantry, the sturdy yeomanry who lived on beer and roast
beef, though we know from Hardy's Tess and her people that
the usual fare of the rural poor was much less grand than
this.
Chesterton recognized that this old world was profoundly undermined
by the rise of modern industrialism, enclosures of land, and
the fatal combination of liberalism, socialism and skepticism.
He hated it, and with his friend Hilaire Belloc (1870-1953)
founded something called Distributism, of which more in a
moment. But it is GKC's criticism of modernism in all its
forms that concerns us first. Of course, in the heady atmosphere
of fin-de-siecle England, he got to know all the species of
liberals and radicals flourishing then. He often lectured
for small societies in obscure provincial taverns and meeting
rooms. Of one such group, an Ethical Society, he writes: "The
truth of the matter is, I imagine, that these particular people
never did believe or disbelieve in anything. They liked to
go and hear stimulating lecturers; and they had a vague preference,
almost impossible to reduce to any definable thesis, for those
lecturers who were supposed to be in some way heterodox and
unconventional. And having since had longer and larger opportunities
of watching the general drift of such people, and having seen
the dark-eyed doubter and the patriarchal Jew in more and
more motley and incongruous assemblies, I have come to the
conclusion that there never were any large schools of thought,
so separate and static as I innocently imagined in my youth.
I have been granted, as it were, a sort of general view or
vision of all that field of negation and groping and curiosity.
And I saw pretty much what it all really meant. There was
no Theistic Church; there was no Theosophical Brotherhood;
there were no Ethical Societies; there were no New Religions.
But I saw Israel scattered on the hills as sheep that have
not a shepherd; and I saw a large number of the sheep run
about bleating eagerly in whatever neighborhood it was supposed
that a shepherd might be found."
What Chesterton is engaging here is the unanchored quality
of modern intellectual life. He continues: "Amid all
this scattered thinking, sometimes not unfairly called scatter-brained
thinking, I began to piece together the fragments of the old
religious scheme; mainly by the various gaps that denoted
its disappearance. And the more I saw of human nature, the
more I came to suspect that it was really rather bad for all
these people that it had disappeared. Many of them held, and
still hold, very noble and necessary truths in the social
and secular area. But even these it seemed to me they held
less firmly than they might have done, if there had been anything
like a fundamental principle of morals and metaphysics to
support them." Summing up, he continues: "Men who
naturally accepted the moral equality of mankind yet did so,
in a manner, shrinkingly, under the gigantic shadow of the
Superman of Nietzsche and Shaw. Their hearts were in the right
place; but their heads were emphatically in the wrong place,
being generally poked or plunged into vast volumes of materialism
and skepticism, crabbed, barren, servile and without any light
of liberty or of hope."
Anyone who has experienced the life of our contemporary Freethought,
Humanist, and Liberal organizations will have to acknowledge
the parallel with what Chesterton saw around him in his day.
They continuously bewail their inability to influence the
course of society or politics. While I could never join GKC
in any sort of return to Mother Church, it seems to me quite
true that these intellectuals, whether liberal or radical,
are ineffectual, unfocused, and indeed too often "without
any light of liberty or hope."
"It was not," he writes, "that I began by believing
in supernormal things. It was that the unbelievers began by
disbelieving even in normal things. It was the secularists
who drove me to theological ethics, by themselves destroying
any sane or rational possibility of secular ethics. I might
myself have been a secularist, so long as it meant that I
could be merely responsible to secular society. It was the
Determinist who told me, at the top of his voice, that I could
not be responsible at all. And as I rather like being treated
as a responsible being, and not as a lunatic let out for the
day, I began to look around for some spiritual asylum that
was not merely a lunatic asylum." Consider again that
sentence: "It was that the unbelievers began by disbelieving
even in normal things." What a prophetic indictment of
Post-Modernism, written decades before most of its present-day
practitioners were even born!
Of the confident, bloodless hymns of the radicals, he writes:
"One weakness of these popular war-songs was that they
were not war-songs. They never gave the faintest hint of how
anybody could ever make war on anything. They were always
waiting for the Dawn; without the least anticipation that
they might be shot at dawn, or the least intelligent preparation
for shooting anybody else at dawn." Chillingly, he then
writes: "I am no Fascist; but the March on Rome gave
them the surprise they needed." His disclaimer does not
convince; he is clearly delighted that the liberal intellectuals
went as they did, up against the wall.
Chesterton then produces a fascinating explication of a poem
by Belloc, entitled "The Rebel," which he claims,
"involves the real character of a battle . . . It is
the only revolutionary poem I ever read, that suggested that
there was any plan for making any attack." He gives as
evidence the following excerpt:
And press them inward from the
plains
And drive them clamouring down
the lanes,
And gallop and harry and have
them down,
And carry the gates and hold
the town.
Now I haven't located Belloc's poem, but this short analysis
certainly makes me want to find it. Our "progressive"
poets might benefit from doing so as well. My point is that
Chesterton may be a Reactionary, but his critique of the modern
liberal/radical poetry intelligentsia remains worth attending
to.
Another valuable aspect of GKC is his sense of humor about
himself and his associates. For instance, he much admired
Conrad Noel, a Bohemian parson who "took great pleasure
in appearing in correct clerical clothes, surmounted with
a sort of hairy or furry cap, making him look like an aesthetic
rat-catcher." Recalling a telling episode, he writes:
"I remember one occasion when I was walking away from
some meeting with him and with Dr. Percy Dearmer, then chiefly
famous as an authority on the history of ritual and of vestments.
Dr. Dearmer was in the habit of walking about in a cassock
and biretta which he had carefully reconstructed as being
of exactly the right pattern for an Anglican or Anglo-Catholic
priest; and he was humorously grieved when its strictly traditional
and national character was misunderstood by the little boys
in the street. Someone would call out, 'No Popery,' or 'To
hell with the Pope,' or some other sentiment of larger and
more liberal religion. And Percy Dearmer would sternly stop
them and say, 'Are you aware that this is the precise costume
in which Latimer went to the stake?'"
Chesterton is given to flights of fancy that turn out to have
a serious point: "I have a notion that the real advice
I could give to a young journalist, now that I am myself an
old journalist, is simply this: to write an article for the
Sporting Times and another for the Church Times,
and put them into the wrong envelopes. Then, if the articles
were accepted and reasonably intelligent, all the sporting
men would go about saying to each other, 'Great mistake to
suppose there isn't a good case for us; really brainy fellows
say so'; and all the clergymen would go about saying to each
other, 'Rattling good writing on some of our religious newspapers,
very witty fellow.' This is perhaps a little faint and fantastic
as a theory; but it is the only theory upon which I can explain
my own undeserved survival in the journalistic squabble of
the old Fleet Street." But there is some proof of his
theory: "I wrote on a Nonconformist organ like the old
Daily News and told them all about French cafés
and Catholic cathedrals; and they loved it, because they had
never heard of them before. I wrote on a robust Labour organ
like the old Clarion and defended medieval theology
and all the things their readers had never heard of; and their
readers did not mind me a bit. What is really the matter,
with almost every paper, is that it is much too full of things
suitable to the paper. But in these latter days of the solidification
of journalism, like everything else, into trusts and monopolies,
there seems to be even less likelihood of anyone repeating
my rare and reckless and unscrupulous manoeuvre." What
he wants to survive is this whimsical spirit, the sense of
real curiosity on the part of the reading public. Who has
not noticed how similar almost to the point of being identical
and repetitive, writing at various progressive websites is
at this point in Cyberculture? No one wants to really be challenged,
they only want to be reassured.
Chesterton's aside on "trusts and monopolies" brings
me to his own positive political and social views, summarized
under the rubric of Distributism. This seems to be an attempt
to resuscitate the Old England of rural and farm life. Everyone,
he and Belloc argued, should have some property. What Belloc
called "The Servile State" meant that even modest
and productive land was stripped away from the people, leaving
them abject and defenseless before the Government. While Orwell
obviously shared their concerns amounting to revulsion, about
the modern State, he argued that "going back" to
some Golden Age was impossible. Belloc, he said, "could
conceive nothing between slavery and a return to small-ownership,
which is obviously not going to happen and in fact cannot
happen. There is [little] question now of averting a collectivist
society. The only question is whether it is to be founded
on willing cooperation or on the machine-gun" (from a
1940 review essay, "Notes on the Way"). In this
same essay, Orwell dismisses any return to God: "Religious
belief, in the form in which we had known it, had to be abandoned.
By the nineteenth century it was already in essence a lie,
a semi-conscious device for keeping the rich rich and the
poor poor."
Chesterton's notion of society included a bitter and pungent
attack on extreme wealth. His task was, he said, "one
of helping certain friends and reformers to fix the terrible
truth called Responsibility, not on tramps or drunkards, but
on the rulers of the State and the richest men in the Empire.
I was trying to put a chain and collar of Responsibility,
not on the Underdog, but on the Top-dog." He acerbically
noted that many of the prominent Fabian Socialists were enthusiasts
for the Empire.
As for his poetry, I find its quality various. There are long
faux-medieval narratives, almost unreadable, but there are
also witty parodies and bitter satires, including of "Americanization"
which he detested. There are several curiously disturbing
nightmare fantasy poems, and one notes that he also was productive
in fantasy as well as detective fiction. I'll conclude with
one example of a poem which seems to me both typical and strong:
BY A REACTIONARY
Smoke rolls in stinking, suffocating
wrack
On Shakespeare's land, turning
the green one black;
The crowds that once to harvest
home would come
Hope for no harvest and possess
no home,
While poor tramps that liked
a little ale,
In natural procession pass to
gaol;
Because the world must, like
the tramp, move on,
There does not seem much else
that can be done.
As Lord Vangelt said in the
House of Peers:
"None of us want Reaction."
(Tory cheers).
So doubtful doctors punch and
prod and prick
A man thought dead; and when
there's not a kick
Left in the corpse, no twitch
or faint contraction,
The doctors say: "See .
. . there is no Reaction."
Bear in mind this was the England of the Great Depression,
of deep poverty, dislocation and misery. With Prohibition-style
attitudes again popular, scapegoating of the poor everywhere,
and mass amnesia amounting to the death of the Body Politic,
it is also the condition we find ourselves in today.
[Note: for a long and insightful critique of Chesterton and
his views see Patrick Wright, "Last orders," in
The Guardian, April 9, 2005-available at their internet
archive.]
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